听力原文:Traditionally man has viewed himself as being in a constant struggle with nature.
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生命存在,这种力就要显现,上面的石块丝毫不足以阻挡它,因为这是一种“长期抗战”的力,有弹性、能屈能伸的力,有韧性、不达目的不罢休的力。
如果不落在肥土中而落在瓦砾中,有生命力的种子决不会悲观、叹气,它相信有了阻力才有磨炼。生命开始的一瞬间就带着斗志而来的草才是坚韧的草,也只有这种草,才可以傲然对那些玻璃棚中养育着的盆花嗤笑。
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utual understanding and friendship and bolster public support for the constructive and cooperative relations between the two countries, thus better serving the interest of the two peoples.
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le political situation is the use of the diplomacy and economic measures rather than the use of military force.
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ngement.
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ll the other instruments of foreign policy but also into the modern presidential system itself.
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porate chief executive officers preside over a vast segment of America's wealth. How they manage or mismanage it enriches or impoverishes their shareholders and the entire nation. CEOs are often unfairly stereotyped as heartless because they shut plants and cut jobs-unpopular actions that are often necessary. Still, the public pounding of CEOs for their lavish pay packages is amply justified.
Any tally of CEO pay suggests jarring disproportion. The Post recently reported the 100 best paid executives in its region. The highest received $39.6 million, and all the top 20 exceeded $10 million. Fortune magazine ran a scathing pay story in its latest issue illustrated by these examples: $405 million to retired Exxon Mobil chairman Lee Raymond (his 2005 pay, plus the value of his pension and stock grants); $90 million to Franklin Raines, the former chief executive of Fannie Mae (his compensation from 1998 to 2003); $99 million to Hank McKinnell, the CEO of Pfizer (2005 pay plus his pension's value).
The minority of CEOs who deserve massive payouts (because they contributed uniquely to a company's success) or whose pay is properly restrained are tainted by their peers. The Business Roundtable, a group of 160 CEOs, argues that a few huge pay packages create a distorted picture. Not really. Consider a Business Roundtable study, using data that Mercer Human Resource Consulting collected on 350 major companies. The idea was to examine median CEOs—those in the middle—as typical. Here's what the study found:
From 1995 to 2005 median CEO compensation at these companies rose 151 percent, from $2.7 million to $6.8 million (the figure included base salary, bonuses, stock options and other "incentives"—but not pensions).
In the same period, the median sales of these companies increased 51 percent, to $7.6 billion, and the median profits 126 percent, to $591 million.
By contrast, the median pay increase for full-time, year-round workers ages 25 to 64 in these years was only 32 percent, to $38,223 (that's all workers, not just those at the study's firms).
Remember, these are run-of-the-mill CEOs, not the superstars or the supergreedy. Even they seem to regard being a multimillionaire as an entitlement befitting their position. From 1995 to 2005 their pay rose five times faster than the typical worker's. In 1995, median CEO pay was 94 times median worker pay; by 2005 it was 179 times as much.
How CEOs are paid—their incentives—matters, for them and society
Through the 1970s, CEOs were the ultimate Organization Men. Usually company careerists, they were compensated mainly "like bureaucrats in the sense that they were primarily paid for increasing the size of their organizations," economists Michael Jensen and Kevin Murphy argued in several studies in 1990. Because pay increased with company size, CEOs often created ever expanding, unwieldy and inefficient conglomerates. This approach was bad for America and for shareholders.
Recognition of that led to change. Compensation for CEOs and other top executives in the 1980s and 1990s was increasingly tied to a company's stock performance. The aim was to motivate executives to improve efficiency and profitability, driving up the firm's share price. The usual instruments were stock options: the right to buy shares at a fixed price (called the "strike price"). A CEO might receive an option to buy 100,000 shares of stock at $10 a share. If the price went to $30, the executive could instantly make $2 million (shares bought at $10 can be sold at $30).
In the 1970s most CEO compensation was cash; by 2000 half or more often consisted of stock grants. Up to a point, the shift succeeded. It rewarded good management. But it also inspired abuses, because option grants were excessive and unconditional (providing huge windfalls
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pecies, the atmosphere, our ships, high vehicles, our bodies—even our dreams.
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nal, or subject to improvement, since our existing knowledge did not provide a sufficient basis for a calculated mathematical expectation of investment returns.
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' profession, under plans outlined today. Reforms aimed at challenging the dominance of the rich and privileged classes which are disproportionately represented among the membership of the Bar will tackle the decline in students from poorer backgrounds joining the profession. They include financial assistance as well as measures to end the "intimidating environment" of the barristers' chambers which young lawyers must join if they want to train as advocates.
The increasing cost of the Bar and a perception that it is run by a social elite has halted progress in the greater inclusion of barristers from different backgrounds. A number of high- profile barristers, including the prime minister's wife, Cherie Booth QC, have warned that without changes, the Bar will continue to be dominated by white, middle-class male lawyers.
In a speech to the Social Mobility Foundation think tank in London this afternoon, Geoffrey Vos QC, Bar Council chairman, will say. "The Bar is a professional elite, by which I mean that the Bar's membership includes the best-quality lawyers practicing advocacy and offering specialist legal advice in many specialist areas. That kind of elitism is meritocratic, and hence desirable."
"Unfortunately, however, the elitism which fosters the high-quality services that the Bar stands for has also encouraged another form. of elitism. That is elitism in the sense of exclusivity, exclusion, and in the creation of a profession which is barely accessible to equally talented people from less privileged backgrounds."
East month, Mr.Vos warned that the future of the barristers' profession was threatened by an overemphasis on posh accents and public school education. Mr. Vos said then that people from ordinary backgrounds were often overlooked in favour of those who were from a "snobby" background. People from a privileged background were sometimes recruited even though they were not up to the job intellectually, he added. In his speech today, Mr. Vos will outline the "barriers to entry", to a career at the Bar and some of the ways in which these may be overcome.
The Bar Council has asked the law lord, Lord Neuberger of Abbotsbury, to examine how these barriers can be overcome, and he will publish his interim report and consultation paper before Easter. He is expected to propose a placement programme to enable gifted children from state schools to learn about the Bar, the courts and barristers at first hand.
The Bar Council is also working towards putting together a new package of bank loans on favourable terms to allow young, aspiring barristers from poorer backgrounds to finance the Bar vocational course year and then have the financial ability to establish themselves in practice before they need to repay.
These loans would be available alongside the Inns of Court's scholarship and awards programmes. Mr. Vos will say today. "I passionately believe that the professions in general, and the Bar in particular, must be accessible to the most able candidates from any background, whatever their race, gender, or socioeconomic group. "The Bar has done well in attracting good proportions of women and racial minorities and we must be as positive in attracting people from all socioeconomic backgrounds."
What is the "elitism of the barristers' profession" in the United Kingdom?
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